{"id":766,"date":"2026-06-21T11:40:52","date_gmt":"2026-06-21T11:40:52","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/commercialrelocationpros.com\/?p=766"},"modified":"2026-06-21T11:40:52","modified_gmt":"2026-06-21T11:40:52","slug":"the-warrior-witches-of-ukraines-resistance","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/commercialrelocationpros.com\/?p=766","title":{"rendered":"The Warrior-Witches of Ukraine\u2019s Resistance"},"content":{"rendered":"<section>\n<p>F<span>or several months last year,<\/span> a Ukrainian housewife, 35 and lonely in a marriage that had gone cold, traded WhatsApp messages with a Chechen commander, Achmad, stationed somewhere in Ukraine\u2019s occupied south. They wrote about their days, their disappointments, what they hoped to do when the war ended. She asked about the front. He told her.<\/p>\n<p>Read more <a href=\"https:\/\/commercialrelocationpros.com\/?p=764\">J. D. Vance\u2019s AI Doctrine<\/a><\/p>\n<p>\u201cSend me a picture,\u201d she said. \u201cI want to see your life.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>One afternoon, he obliged\u2014a photograph taken inside the barracks, of himself and another soldier grinning for the camera. Behind them, pinned to the wall, was a map of the compound showing the unit\u2019s position.<\/p>\n<p>The housewife did not exist. \u201cShe\u201d was a middle-aged officer named Serhiy working for Ukraine\u2019s military-intelligence directorate, part of a concerted effort to draw secrets from the men sent to occupy his country.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cSerhiy was great at flirting,\u201d his commander told me. \u201cGuys in our team started asking him for dating advice.\u201d Shortly after Achmad sent that photograph, the coordinates it revealed were struck by a Ukrainian drone.<\/p>\n<p>Ukraine\u2019s resistance is alive and more lethal than ever. But it has changed dramatically since its early days. A man I will call Dmytro (he requested anonymity for reasons of safety) has served with a resistance team inside occupied Kherson from the first days of the full-scale invasion. \u201cWe took insane risks then,\u201d he told me. \u201cNobody thought the Russians would be here long.\u201d Partisan cells sprang up organically\u2014people who knew one another, sometimes ex-military, improvising as they went. Symbolic acts of resistance happened daily. Ukrainians flew their flag and blared patriotic songs in public. The image of a grandmother pressing sunflower seeds into a Russian paratrooper\u2019s hand\u2014\u201cso that sunflowers grow here when you die\u201d\u2014traveled around the world.<\/p>\n<p>As it became clear the Russians intended to stay, such open defiance faded. Today, expressing support for Ukraine in Russian-occupied areas is likely to earn a trip to \u201cthe basement,\u201d a euphemism for Russian torture chambers. Dmytro described Russia\u2019s repression as a kind of machine: \u201cIt takes time to get spinning, then it has its own momentum.\u201d High-resolution surveillance cameras now blanket city centers, and interrogations are a feature of daily life. Resistance leaders from Mariupol estimate that nearly half of the adult population there has been polygraphed by the Russian security service.<\/p>\n<p>Even peaceful acts can meet with extreme repression. In 2022 and 2023, occupation forces in Mariupol effectively banned the colors blue and yellow. Residents describe receiving aid packages, including school supplies, with yellow and blue markers ripped out of their boxes. Today, Russia\u2019s camera net is sophisticated enough to track individuals block by block, masked or not. Petro Andriushchenko escaped from Mariupol and now coordinates a cell still operating there. \u201cPro-Ukrainian graffiti can get you killed,\u201d he told me. \u201cEven disguised, your movements can be traced backwards to find where you live.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>The kind of symbolic resistance once waged by the general public has now given way to intelligence work, carried out by serious operatives. Managed by handlers in unoccupied Ukraine, these agents help identify targets, verify coordinates, and pass them to the Ukrainian military. The location of Achmad\u2019s barracks, although traced through online subterfuge, was almost certainly confirmed by an agent on the ground. The result is a movement that has grown both quieter and deadlier. It now feeds the \u201cmiddle-strike\u201d campaign\u2014a sustained drone offensive against targets deep inside the occupied territories, including air defenses, logistics hubs, command posts, and personnel. A crucial link in that kill chain is information from loyal Ukrainians behind enemy lines.<\/p>\n<p>The partisans I spoke with included coordinators directing operations from free Ukraine, operatives working inside occupied territory, and volunteers scattered across Ukraine and abroad. Many have family members still living under Russian occupation and must closely guard their resistance activities. Inside the occupied territories, most agents work alone, their only connection via encrypted communication with their handlers. One operative, code-named Sestra, has no idea how far the network around her extends, except that it kills Russians almost every day. \u201cWhat you do not know,\u201d she explained to me, \u201cyou cannot betray under interrogation.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>T<span>he Russian military <\/span>is a meat grinder. Commanders send infantry forward in waves that Ukrainian officers refer to as \u201chuman radar\u201d: The piles of bodies reveal Ukrainian strong points. As crude as Russia\u2019s infantry operations may be, its electronic countermeasures are very sophisticated and continually reshape how the resistance communicates and survives.<\/p>\n<p>Until June 2022, Ukraine\u2019s mobile carriers Kyivstar and Vodafone kept operating in the occupied zones, because the Russians had not yet stood up their own infrastructure. Then the Ukrainian networks went dark, and the resistance had to improvise. Early fixes were crude: VPNs, Wi-Fi nodes. Methods have since been refined, and the details are closely guarded. What is clear is that any phone purchased inside the occupied territories is useless for resistance work. Devices sold there come preloaded with monitoring software developed by Russian intelligence. That app is called Druge\u2014<i>\u0414\u0440\u0443\u0433<\/i>\u2014which means \u201cfriend\u201d in Russian.<\/p>\n<p>Druge monitors communications, photographs, and location data, relaying all of it back to Russian intelligence. One woman who had recently escaped from an occupied zone told me that her mother, who still lived there, tried to delete Druge. The icon disappeared, but the app kept running in the background. At checkpoints, Russian soldiers examine every phone. Not having Druge installed is a red flag to them; having an encrypted app, such as Signal, guarantees a phone\u2019s owner a trip to the basement.<\/p>\n<p>Phones smuggled in from free Ukraine are the linchpin of resistance communications. For a time, one reliable route ran through Deutsche Post: parcels mailed from Germany, routed through Russia, delivered to innocuous addresses in occupied territory\u2014a government office, a shop\u2014and wrapped so that any tampering would be evident. That route is now closed. Others remain, though the specifics are closely held. In emergencies, a phone can be delivered by drone, which demands real-time coordination and carries its own risks. These \u201cclean\u201d devices do not have Russian spyware installed, and they lack SIM cards that would connect to the local mobile network. Because cell towers can detect when a new phone enters their coverage area, resistance members compose encrypted messages on a clean phone then send them via internet, using the hotspot of a second device already recognized by the network.<\/p>\n<p>Few resistance agents have professional training. Most learn on the job. Partisans pass around hard-copy tradecraft manuals to avoid using vulnerable digital channels. Within Kherson\u2019s partisan brigade, one of the most sought-after is a Soviet-era handbook describing CIA catfishing tactics in Africa during the Cold War. No online version exists, but a well-worn original circulates among the resistance.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cYour CIA was good at this,\u201d Dmytro said. \u201cYou bastards knew how to use sex.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Several Ukrainian print shops have developed methods for hiding instruction manuals inside best-selling books. A guard at a Russian checkpoint, thumbing through an artificially tattered paperback, will likely have no idea that some of the pages explain how to kill him.<\/p>\n<p>I<span>nside the occupied territories<\/span>, women form the backbone of the resistance. Many hold positions in Russia\u2019s civil administration\u2014at clinics, schools, and government offices\u2014and report to Ukrainian intelligence. They exploit the occupiers\u2019 assumptions: Russian soldiers often fail to imagine that women can be combatants. Few suspect that a grandmother passing their barracks every morning, shopping bags in hand, is the first link in a kill chain.<\/p>\n<p>Some women volunteer with Russia-based charities supplying aid to military units. Every interaction is a collection opportunity. In late May, a government-linked Russian aid organization circulated a warning about this over Telegram: It had identified individuals, the agency noted, \u201cwho offer to deliver humanitarian aid to the Special Military Operation zone\u201d as \u201ca tactic employed by hostile forces to gather intelligence regarding the deployment of Russian troops.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>The most valuable sources are the occupiers themselves. In free Ukraine, agents build online relationships with occupation soldiers. Most of the operatives are women\u2014though some men, such as Serhiy, have a gift for it. Native Russian soldiers tend to be difficult marks; they are transactional, Serhiy\u2019s commander told me. \u201cThey always ask in the first five minutes: \u2018Are we going to fuck or not?\u2019\u201d Chechens, by contrast, are \u201cmuch more likely to seek a real relationship\u201d and are easier to manipulate.<\/p>\n<p>Since its creation in the early 1990s, the National Academy of the Security Service of Ukraine has trained operatives to cultivate intelligence assets. There are rumors of a new course that requires students to develop online connections with real occupation soldiers. An instructor at the academy, who requested anonymity for security reasons, would not confirm the course\u2019s existence but insisted that \u201cevery intelligence agency does this\u2014even yours.\u201d When pressed about a specific aspect of the rumor, that the highest grades go to students who deliver target coordinates by the end of the course, he smiled. \u201cThat would indeed earn high marks.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Read more <a href=\"https:\/\/commercialrelocationpros.com\/?p=762\">What Comes Next for Iran<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Most instruction for resistance agents, however, remains unofficial. Olena Biletska runs the Ukrainian Women\u2019s Guard, a volunteer organization launched after Russia\u2019s initial assault in 2014 to train women to survive under attack or occupation. By 2022, training had been delivered to more than 60,000 participants, some of whom remained in occupied territory. Most courses cover basic self-defense and survival, but others apply to resistance work. Pipelines smuggle training materials behind enemy lines. One course focuses on defeating polygraphs; others cover urban surveillance and intelligence-gathering.<\/p>\n<p>Outside Ukraine, a diaspora helps vet target coordinates obtained through these resistance networks. Refugees from the occupied territories, who have detailed local knowledge, provide insight for the middle-strike drone campaign. A woman I will call Roksana, who asked for her name to be withheld to protect her network inside Ukraine, served in a clinic near Kherson on the occupied south bank of the Dnipro River. She barely escaped with her life after refusing to work for the Russian military. Now, living abroad, she helps verify targets for Ukrainian military intelligence. \u201cI know my village\u2014every street, every farm, every warehouse,\u201d she told me.<\/p>\n<p>For Roksana and some of the other women operatives I spoke with, the determination to destroy the Russian occupation was forged in dark experience. \u201cAlmost every day, for the first few weeks after the invasion, we would hear about another body in the street,\u201d Roksana said. \u201cIf it was a woman, they were often abused.\u201d The doctor Tetyana Kostyantynivna runs the women\u2019s center at one of Kyiv\u2019s largest hospitals. In 2022 and 2023, her facility treated a steady stream of sexual-assault survivors from the occupied territories, ranging in age from 4 to 75. \u201cOver the past four years,\u201d she told me, \u201cwe have become a world leader in new methods for gynecological reconstructive surgery.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>During her own escape, Roksana passed through 33 Russian checkpoints, several of which were surrounded by dead bodies. Some of those corpses were of women and showed what she understood to be clear signs of sexual violence. At one checkpoint, a Russian soldier fired into the back of Roksana\u2019s car while it sat parked, hitting a passenger in the legs. The soldiers did it for sport. But Roksana\u2019s group made it through, and today, she has no reservations about guiding drone strikes against her own village, if doing so helps drive the Russians out. \u201cWe can rebuild warehouses,\u201d she said, \u201cbut the Russians can\u2019t rebuild Russians.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Women are crucial to the Ukrainian resistance. \u201cThey can go places, do things, that men cannot,\u201d Andriushchenko, who runs agents inside Mariupol, told me. \u201cAlso, they are ruthless.\u201d Several resistance leaders call their female agents <i>vidma<\/i>, a term that appears often in Ukrainian folklore. Its closest translation is \u201cwitch,\u201d but it has a very different connotation here. The word derives from <i>vidate<\/i>, which means \u201cto know.\u201d Lesia Orobets, a former member of the Ukrainian Parliament, explained: \u201c<i>Vidmas<\/i> were wise. They understood the secrets of the surrounding environment. Here in Ukraine, our <i>vidmas<\/i> were respected for their knowledge, not burned for it.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>These warrior-witches have become Ukraine\u2019s most feared intelligence assets, moving through occupied territory like shadows. Orobets travels abroad often, where she is sometimes asked, \u201cWhat happens if Ukraine runs out of men?\u201d<\/p>\n<p>\u201cBe careful what you wish for,\u201d she says. \u201cIf Ukraine\u2019s women are in charge, there won\u2019t be a Russian left alive.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>I<span>n the early months of the occupation,<\/span> children played a role in the resistance. They slipped through checkpoints easily, took instantly to encrypted apps, and were extraordinarily brave. But the risks they took were no less grave than those faced by adults. An errant social-media post\u2014or simply \u201cliking\u201d content supportive of Ukraine\u2014was enough to get a child hauled in for interrogation. Those sessions could involve unspeakable violence, especially for girls. I interviewed one who was only 11 when her village near Kherson had been occupied. Implicated in \u201cresistance\u201d activities, she was dragged from her home. As we began our conversation, she apologized for her stutter. \u201cI did not used to have this problem,\u201d she told me, \u201cuntil the Russians took me to the basement.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>The resistance says that it now enforces an absolute ban on children taking part. Dmytro, from the Kherson brigade, explained that \u201cit\u2019s not just about the risk to the kids. It\u2019s about the risk to the whole unit.\u201d The death of a child at Russian hands can devastate morale. Andriushchenko described the case of two teenage boys from Melitopol who had been interrogated by Russia\u2019s security service. Their bodies were never returned, almost certainly because of how badly the boys had been tortured. \u201cTheir deaths hit us hard,\u201d he said. \u201cWhat they did to them.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>In practice, the ban on children helping the resistance has its limits. In one occupied city, teenagers have learned to move around the Russian camera network. For a while, they spray-painted Ukrainian colors on the sides of abandoned buildings. Now, given the risks of carrying blue or yellow paint, they chalk or scratch the Ukrainian letter<i> \u0407<\/i>, which does not exist in the Russian alphabet, wherever they can get away with it. Even this, resistance leaders discourage. Sestra, the agent operating inside Mariupol, describes how \u201ca single piece of graffiti can mean torture, a cellar, or deportation to Russia for the child, and arrest or the stripping of parental rights for the family.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>\u201cIt\u2019s not worth it,\u201d Andriushchenko said. \u201cWe need intel, not art. When they turn 18, they\u2019ll get their turn.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>I<span>f resistance fighters are the first link<\/span> in the kill chain, drone operators are the last. Iegor Kravchenko, whose call sign is \u201cRam,\u201d commands a company in Ukraine\u2019s 426th Unmanned Systems Regiment. Every night, his unit launches attack drones into the occupied territories. \u201cA significant percentage of those missions,\u201d he told me, \u201crely on intel provided by the resistance.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Today, the middle-strike drone campaign is the main engine of partisan activity. It has become extraordinarily efficient. For a high-priority target\u2014an air-defense system, a command post, a munitions dump\u2014anywhere from 15 minutes to a few hours can elapse between the transmission of coordinates and the strike. There have been moments when an operative was still chatting online with a soldier as a drone hit his position. \u201cOur goal,\u201d Orobets said, \u201cis to make sure Russian soldiers never reach the front line.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>I asked the partisans why they would talk with me at all, sharing intimate details of the war\u2019s most dangerous operations. In part, they are sending a message to the occupier: <i>You are hated here<\/i>. Sestra put a finer point on this: \u201cI want every Russian soldier who has set foot on our land to carry that paranoia with him\u2014suffocating, relentless, every second of every day. I want him to look at the grandmother at the market, at the bus driver, at the doctor in the clinic, at the ordinary passerby on the street\u2014and to see in each of them his own potential destruction.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>The Ukrainian operatives also want Americans to know that Ukraine is fighting for every inch of its land. Asked whether Ukraine would tolerate a peace deal ceding occupied territory, Biletska answered, \u201cHave you seen Bucha? Kherson? Mariupol? That\u2019s not peace.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>As for Achmad, the Chechen commander who revealed the location of his own barracks, Andriushchenko was blunt: \u201cHe\u2019s gone dark online, but we suspect he still doesn\u2019t realize he was flirting with a middle-aged <i>chuvak<\/i>,\u201d meaning a dude.<\/p>\n<p>I asked whether he worried about exposing Achmad as a source. \u201cNo. I hope his unit learns what he did,\u201d Andriushchenko said. \u201cAnd then I hope they cut off his balls.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Read more <a href=\"https:\/\/commercialrelocationpros.com\/?p=760\">Why Adventure Matters<\/a><\/p>\n<\/section>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>An underground intelligence network uses subterfuge and honey traps to direct drone strikes deep inside Russian-occupied territory.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":765,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[7],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-766","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-global"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.7 - 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