{"id":419,"date":"2026-06-08T13:10:50","date_gmt":"2026-06-08T13:10:50","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/commercialrelocationpros.com\/?p=419"},"modified":"2026-06-08T13:10:50","modified_gmt":"2026-06-08T13:10:50","slug":"the-white-identitarians-are-having-a-moment","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/commercialrelocationpros.com\/?p=419","title":{"rendered":"The White Identitarians Are Having a Moment"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

\u201cWhat is white identity?\u201d<\/p>\n

In February, the Democratic Senator Chris Murphy posed that question to Jeremy Carl, the Trump administration\u2019s nominee for a top State Department job. It should have been a softball.<\/p>\n

Read more How America Gave Up on Its Own History<\/a><\/p>\n

Carl has built his career on the claim that white identity is under threat. In his 2024 book, The Unprotected Class: How Anti-White Racism Is Tearing America Apart<\/i>, Carl warns that \u201cwhite Americans increasingly are second-class citizens in a country their ancestors founded.\u201d A 53-year-old senior fellow at the Claremont Institute, he argues that anti-whiteness pervades the American mainstream and particularly elite institutions, which routinely pass over qualified white candidates in pursuit of diversity.<\/p>\n

Yet during his confirmation hearing, Carl couldn\u2019t give Murphy a coherent definition of the identity he seeks to protect. \u201cYou have made several statements about your worry regarding the erasure of white culture in America,\u201d Murphy said. \u201cTell me the white values that you believe are being erased.\u201d After some back-and-forth, Carl tried offering an example: \u201cScotch-Irish military culture.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cYou don\u2019t speak about ethnic<\/i> identity; you speak about white<\/i> identity,\u201d the senator countered. Carl eventually proposed some generalities. \u201cThe white church is very different than the Black church in terms of its tone and style, on average. Foodways could often be different.\u201d Music too, he said.<\/p>\n

Murphy started to laugh. \u201cSo our ability to access white churches or white food or white music is being erased?\u201d he asked. \u201cThe majority common American culture that we had for some time,\u201d Carl said, \u201chas become much more balkanized. And I think that weakens us.\u201d<\/p>\n

Carl\u2019s nomination failed, but his views are ascendant. For a group of rising figures on the right, white people have become the victims in the American story. Although this idea is hardly novel, its proponents wield more political and cultural influence today than they did at any point in the past half century. In April, I called Carl to better understand their vision. Now that DEI and anti-racism are in retreat, the white identitarians are moving on to a more ambitious goal. \u201cWhites need to be able to organize,\u201d Carl told me, \u201cto assert their rights not to be discriminated against as a racial group.\u201d<\/p>\n

Whether or not Carl can define white identity, he belongs to a movement that seeks to turn white Americans into the largest identity group in the country\u2014an aggrieved coalition demanding recognition, protection, and restitution.<\/p>\n

For most of the post-civil-rights era, a tacit consensus discouraged white Americans from thinking of themselves as avatars of a racial demographic. Race mostly belonged to other people. Many white Americans commemorated certain aspects of their ethnic background\u2014in the case of my Baby Boomer mother, the language of her German grandparents. But honoring whiteness itself was deemed impolite, to say the least. Given the advantages that whiteness often conferred, calling attention to it was like being a sore winner.<\/p>\n

At the same time, American culture and politics encouraged so-called people of color to emphasize their differences from the country\u2019s white mainstream. This began in the late 20th century and ramped up in the 21st. Certain elite industries, such as publishing and academia, treated non-whiteness as its own status symbol. Revelations of white women posing as minorities\u2014including Elizabeth Warren, Rachel Dolezal, and Jessica \u201cLa Bombalera\u201d Krug\u2014showed the extent to which Native American, Black, and Latina identities had, in some contexts, become sources of comparative prestige.<\/p>\n

By the 2010s, the most influential progressives no longer aspired to the color-blind ideal of Martin Luther King Jr., which deemphasized all <\/i>racial categories. Instead, they embraced racial self-assertion.<\/p>\n

Black, \u201cLatinx,\u201d and Indigenous Americans were united under the term BIPOC<\/i>, symbolically reducing white people to a minority. A new definition of racism<\/i> took hold, which incorporated not just prejudice but also structural power, practically guaranteeing that only white people could ever be considered racist. Certain groups, such as Asian Americans, straddled these boundaries; sometimes they were considered BIPOC when they were progressive, and \u201cwhite-adjacent\u201d when they weren\u2019t. For some people on the left, whiteness had no real meaning other than serving as a vessel of inequality.<\/p>\n

All racial identities were named and valorized, except one. This wasn\u2019t the sole cause of the white backlash that ensued; racist politicians and media figures bear ample responsibility for that. Still, the rhetorical and ideological excesses of the left generated a sense of unfairness that has become central to the white-identitarian project.<\/p>\n

Jonathan Keeperman, who founded the far-right Passage Press and posts online under the alias Lomez, told me that this age of heightened race-consciousness had a profound effect on many white Americans. \u201cSuddenly Adam and Eve are aware they\u2019re naked,\u201d as he put it. \u201cWhat do you do now?\u201d<\/p>\n

The modern-day white-persecution complex spilled into public view in August 2017, when far-right activists marched through Charlottesville, Virginia, bearing tiki torches and chanting \u201cYou will not replace us.\u201d Since then, the \u201cGreat Replacement\u201d theory has found ever larger audiences as it gets amplified by the likes of Tucker Carlson, Laura Ingraham, and Nick Fuentes.<\/p>\n

Both at home and abroad, the second Trump administration has embraced the theory\u2019s central premise: White people in multiethnic societies are endangered. This idea has found perhaps its most alarming expression in the government\u2019s dehumanizing messaging around immigration. Meanwhile, the United States government has retooled its refugee program to prioritize Afrikaners, or white South Africans of predominately Dutch descent. And last year, Vice President Vance scolded his German hosts at the Munich Security Conference for isolating hard-right parties that organize around white nationalism. \u201cThere is no room for firewalls,\u201d he said, drawing gasps. These are boom times for white identitarians.<\/p>\n

Carl, who was born to a Jewish family and later converted to Presbyterianism, says that he disavows white nationalists because he rejects the notion of racial hierarchy. (He calls himself a civic<\/i> nationalist.) But he shares their position that too much racial diversity\u2014or too much diversity of any kind\u2014is harmful. The conventional liberal view that diversity is a strength, he told me, is \u201cfarcical.\u201d As a counterexample, he cited his home state of Montana, which he says owes its high social trust to its homogeneity.<\/p>\n

As with many on the right, Carl supports the mass deportation of undocumented immigrants and severe restrictions on legal immigration, which he believes will allow for better assimilation. \u201cMany immigrants, explicitly or implicitly, have declared war on America\u2019s historically European-centered identity,\u201d he writes in The Unprotected Class<\/i>. \u201cCertainly, immigration has been pushed by the Left with the explicit goal of reducing the status of white Americans.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cIt\u2019s not a coincidence,\u201d he told me, that the \u201cwhite-picket-fence American identity in the 1950s\u201d came \u201cafter three decades of the tightest immigration controls we\u2019ve ever had in the U.S.\u201d<\/p>\n

Read more What It Means to Love America<\/a><\/p>\n

Carl and I were speaking two months after his exchange with Murphy, and I wondered whether he had used the intervening time to come up with a more coherent definition of white identity. First I asked him a simpler question: Which people are white? He answered with something of a tautology\u2014\u201cpeople who would legally check that box\u201d on, say, a government form or college application. Then I gave him another shot at Murphy\u2019s question: What is white identity? \u201cIt gets very tangled very quickly,\u201d Carl replied.<\/p>\n

Instead of insisting on his own answer, Carl deferred to Eric Kaufmann, a professor of politics at the University of Buckingham who has written extensively on the topic. So I called Kaufmann last month to talk it through with him. Shortly after Carl\u2019s nomination hearing, Kaufmann had listed a set of \u201ccultural practices\u201d\u2014rodeo, heavy metal, NASCAR, hiking\u2014that are \u201cpredominantly but not exclusively enjoyed by whites\u201d and have \u201ccome under pressure to diversify.\u201d This \u201cshaming of white preponderance,\u201d he wrote, \u201creduces the white group\u2019s distinctiveness and opportunities for in-group cohesion.\u201d The core issue, Kaufmann told me, is what he calls \u201casymmetrical multiculturalism\u201d\u2014the idea that \u201cethnicity is valued for minority groups, and it\u2019s denigrated for majorities.\u201d<\/p>\n

One doesn\u2019t need to be a white man to see that this is true. Over two decades in and around universities, nonprofits, and the publishing industry, I have repeatedly served on selection committees in which jurists\u2014in many cases white<\/i> jurists\u2014stated that a candidate\u2019s racial, ethnic, or sexual claim to marginalization ought to be the deciding factor for a coveted position or prize.<\/p>\n

\u201cToday, the advantages white Americans have are mostly informal and evanescent cultural legacies,\u201d as Carl writes in The Unprotected Class<\/i>. \u201cThe discrimination they experience is also sometimes informal but is increasingly legal and formal.\u201d<\/p>\n

Consider a recent filed against The New York Times<\/i>. The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission brought the suit on behalf of a white, male applicant who, according to the federal agency, met the stated qualifications for the role of deputy real-estate editor but didn\u2019t reach the final interview round. Among the four candidates who did, none was a white man, the EEOC says. According to the lawsuit, newsroom leaders ultimately selected a \u201cmultiracial female\u201d candidate who \u201cdid not have experience with real estate journalism,\u201d even though that was listed as a requirement for the position.<\/p>\n

The lawsuit alleges that the paper\u2019s diversity goals improperly influenced the hiring process: According to the EEOC, internal newsroom guidance stated that senior leaders would be judged by their ability to \u201ccreate pathways\u201d for \u201cdiverse\u201d deputies to succeed them. (The Times<\/i> has denied the allegations and maintained that its employment decisions are based on merit.) If the allegations prove to be true, the case would add to a large body of evidence that several elite industries really do discriminate against white people.<\/p>\n

Carl has identified a genuine problem, but he hyperbolizes it, claiming that white Americans suffer more<\/i> discrimination than any other racial group. Worse, his proposal for fixing it is dangerously counterproductive.<\/p>\n

In Carl\u2019s telling, America should be organized around equal citizenship, shared loyalty, and strict borders; an ethic of assimilation; and an adherence to color-blind laws and customs\u2014not around the idea of race or ethnicity. That\u2019s a compelling proposition. But to get there, Carl wants white Americans to embrace a race-consciousness of their own. \u201cI think they can do this not just as whites, but with other sympathetic groups,\u201d he told me, pointing to Asian Americans, whom he sees as similarly afflicted allies.<\/p>\n

This project, in Carl\u2019s mind, is roughly analogous to the civil-rights activism of the 20th century. \u201cMartin Luther King wasn\u2019t saying, We\u2019re going to win the civil-rights revolution by pretending there\u2019s no Black people<\/i>,\u201d Carl said. \u201cNo, he organized Black people, and he did that with sympathetic whites, and built a coalition that was ultimately able to achieve his political goals.\u201d But King, of course, was responding to the injustice of an era in which even the most basic civil rights were conditioned on race, when white<\/i> was synonymous with free<\/i>. The situation of white Americans today is incomparable, even if Carl has seemed to suggest otherwise.<\/p>\n

Rather than simply push for a race-neutral application of the law, Carl thinks that white people can achieve a color-blind future only by pursuing zero-sum politics in the interim. \u201cWe\u2019re not going to get the left to back off what I view as their very toxic racial politics by just saying, Hey, pretty please, be nice<\/i>,\u201d he said. \u201cWe have to extract a measure of pain from the people who are engaged in this sort of anti-white politics.\u201d Only then can \u201ccooler heads prevail,\u201d Carl said, and \u201cmaybe people can step back and say, What we really want to do is move beyond having this type of politics<\/i>.\u201d<\/p>\n

To consolidate white resentment, loose it on the country, and then expect it not only to disappear but also to enlighten<\/i> the rest of us is absurd. Even some people who are sympathetic to Carl\u2019s concerns see problems with his prescription. Justin Lee, a writer published by Passage Press and an associate editor at the conservative journal of religion First Things<\/i>, told me that the white identitarians are mimicking the \u201cwoke\u201d identity politics they ostensibly seek to counter, resurrecting the hyper-racialized politics of 2020, when the left was at the peak of its dominance.<\/p>\n

The white identitarians\u2019 ultimate goal seems to be the moral and institutional power that comes with victimhood status, which is now anyone\u2019s prize in post-woke America. So-called heritage Americans would like their own \u201cstandpoint\u201d to howl from.Whipping up racial consciousness to beget incessant complaint: This is the rule that Trump has campaigned and governed on, that Elon Musk has tapped into with his preposterous grumbling about \u201cwhite genocide,\u201d and that Vance has constructed most of his public persona around.<\/p>\n

Even Carl seems to intuit just how unalluring this posture can be. As he writes in The Unprotected Class<\/i>: \u201cTo bemoan discrimination against one\u2019s group is simply, as that arch-symbol of wealthy conservative white privilege William F. Buckley Jr. would have said, infra dignitatem<\/i>\u201d\u2014\u201cbeneath one\u2019s dignity.\u201d Black intellectuals such as Ralph Ellison knew this, too, despite living at a time when the lynchings of Black people were still a regular feature of American life. If those with the strongest case to make against injustice could refuse the psychic consolations of victimhood, then there is something especially unbecoming in white Americans learning to speak the language of racial grievance.<\/p>\n

White racial resentment is a predictable outgrowth of a cultural regime that has for decades insisted on racial categorization and affinity for everyone but white Americans. But the politics of white identity are a dead end. America\u2019s WASP-derived mainstream culture was always exclusive. Nonetheless, as Lee notes, it managed to assimilate large swaths of new Americans when it did not announce or assert itself. Once white culture begins insisting on its presence, something has malfunctioned.<\/p>\n

In a country that is becoming less white, any short-term victories notched by white identitarianism will be pyrrhic, just like the \u201cwokeness\u201d that preceded it\u2014and that it continues to sustain by foregrounding race.<\/p>\n

A movement is morally defensible not when victim and oppressor switch places but when it insists on a universal limit against abuse. That is when solidarity is feasible among all people of goodwill. The end of a color-blind d\u00e9tente doesn\u2019t justify the means of deliberate racial strife.<\/p>\n

\u201cBut what will justify the end?\u201d Albert Camus asked, to which he replied: \u201cthe means.\u201d This was King\u2019s fundamental insight and the basis for his success. And it is the condition for any authentic postracialism rooted in common dignity.<\/p>\n

Read more America\u2019s Promise<\/a><\/p>\n<\/section>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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