{"id":1610,"date":"2026-07-27T12:10:01","date_gmt":"2026-07-27T12:10:01","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/commercialrelocationpros.com\/?p=1610"},"modified":"2026-07-27T12:10:01","modified_gmt":"2026-07-27T12:10:01","slug":"how-netanyahu-lost-america","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/commercialrelocationpros.com\/?p=1610","title":{"rendered":"How Netanyahu Lost America"},"content":{"rendered":"<section>\n<p><span>In 1982, Benjamin Netanyahu <\/span>was the marketing director of a Jerusalem-based furniture maker when Israel\u2019s ambassador in Washington decided that the 32-year-old had been pitching the wrong product. Instead of selling cupboards to Israelis, he should have been selling Israel to Americans. The ambassador, who met Netanyahu at a conference a few years earlier, brought him to Washington as his deputy. Almost instantly, Netanyahu became the face of Israel on American television\u2014a fixture on <em>Nightline<\/em> and <em>Larry King Live<\/em>, pugnacious, eloquent in unaccented English acquired as a boy in the suburbs of Philadelphia.<\/p>\n<p>Read more <a href=\"https:\/\/commercialrelocationpros.com\/?p=1608\">Reading the Bible in School Is Good<\/a><\/p>\n<p>For the next four decades, through nearly every office he held, Netanyahu\u2019s portfolio never changed: He was the guardian of Israel\u2019s standing in America, a task he never delegated, since he believed that nobody understood it better than he did. And it is a task at which Netanyahu, as Israel\u2019s longest-serving prime minister, has failed abjectly.<\/p>\n<p>Just over a decade ago, support for Israel was one of the last remaining bipartisan reflexes in American politics. The harshest thing most mainstream Democrats said about the country was that Netanyahu\u2019s government was obstructing a two-state agreement with Palestinians. But in the years since the October 7 Hamas-led massacre of Israelis and the subsequent Israeli invasion of Gaza, that consensus, which was already losing ground among the Democratic rank and file, gave way. Two years ago, 19 senators in the Democratic caucus voted to block arms sales to Israel; this April, 40 out of 47 did\u2014including most of the presidential aspirants within the caucus. Now, the mayor of the city with the largest Jewish population in the world is an avowed anti-Zionist who campaigned on the promise that he would arrest Netanyahu; a Columbia University activist who joined an October 8, 2023, rally celebrating the Hamas attacks will almost certainly be elected to the next Congress. Leading liberal senators, including Chris Murphy of Connecticut and Chris Van Hollen of Maryland, have made criticism of Israel a central part of their message.<\/p>\n<p>And the collapse is bipartisan. This month, Vice President Vance\u2014perhaps the likeliest Republican presidential nominee in 2028\u2014told the podcaster Joe Rogan that the financier and sex offender Jeffrey Epstein \u201cclearly had connections to the highest levels of Israeli intelligence,\u201d a theory for which no evidence exists. Vance accused Israel of scheming against his own diplomacy with Iran. A decade ago, a Republican who talked this way would have been drummed out of the party. Now he is in line to lead it.<\/p>\n<p>Netanyahu\u2019s father, Benzion, would have shrugged at this turn. A historian of the Spanish Inquisition, he raised his son on the belief that Jewish history is a \u201chistory of holocausts\u201d; that anti-Semitism is an immutable fact of Jewish existence in the diaspora, and has been so since Judaism\u2019s daughter religion, Christianity, turned against its mother; that Jews could find safety only behind the iron wall of their own state. Yet the world that Benjamin Netanyahu inherited in the 1980s seemed to refute his father\u2019s dour view. Israel faced enemies sworn to its destruction, but its orchestra played the concert halls of Europe. Its scientists taught in the great universities. American politicians competed to prove their devotion. The diaspora lived with a sense of security unprecedented in Jewish history.<\/p>\n<p>Netanyahu\u2019s early political career also seemed to disprove his father\u2019s fatalism. By 1984, he was Israel\u2019s ambassador to the United Nations, and his ubiquity on the airwaves embodied the premise that Americans could be persuaded by Israel\u2019s case, that goodwill could be earned by a telegenic man with carefully calibrated arguments.<\/p>\n<p>The hostility that both Israel and the Jewish diaspora have faced since October 7 can be read as Benzion\u2019s vindication: Anti-Semitism was never really gone, only dormant. But eternal hatred alone can\u2019t account for the severity of the whiplash. It is perfectly fair to stipulate that anti-Semitism accounts for the double standard by which Israel is routinely judged, but hatred isn\u2019t what has caused formerly supportive Democrats to view Israel as a political liability. Anti-Semitism isn\u2019t the principal reason that many Americans have come to view Israel as indifferent to Palestinian suffering. Netanyahu\u2019s choices, rhetoric, and actions encouraged these perceptions, and at every point where the damage might have been contained, he made it worse.<\/p>\n<p><span>Israeli prime ministers<\/span> had periodically feuded with American presidents. When Yitzhak Rabin balked at withdrawing farther from the Sinai, Gerald Ford announced a \u201creassessment\u201d of the entire relationship; Ronald Reagan sold weapons systems to the Saudis over Menachem Begin\u2019s opposition; George H. W. Bush withheld loan guarantees to protest Yitzhak Shamir\u2019s construction of Jewish settlements in Israeli-occupied territories. Each Israeli premier pushed back the same way, by rallying Israel\u2019s support in Congress. When Ford threatened Rabin, 76 senators from both parties signed a letter insisting that U.S. support continue. The fight stayed a dispute between governments. Prime ministers assiduously avoided turning Israel into a partisan cause.<\/p>\n<p>Netanyahu brought a different set of instincts to the job. His politics were formed in his American years, and he was a dual citizen until 1982. What he absorbed in America was a distaste for the Democratic Party and for the liberalism of most American Jews, who, he believed, valued social justice above their Jewishness. They were, in a phrase he used for Rahm Emanuel, \u201cself-hating.\u201d \u201cEarlier during his career,\u201d according to his biographer Anshel Pfeffer, \u201cNetanyahu made more of an effort to hide these feelings and work on his relationship with liberals.\u201d But the longer he governed, the less he concealed them.<\/p>\n<p>On March 3, 2015, Benjamin Netanyahu stood before a joint session of Congress and warned that Barack Obama\u2019s signature diplomatic initiative\u2014a nuclear accord with Iran\u2014would pave the Islamic Republic\u2019s path to a bomb. The Republican speaker of the House had brokered the appearance with Israel\u2019s ambassador, a veteran of GOP politics before he was a diplomat, without informing the White House. No foreign leader had ever been brought into the Capitol by the president\u2019s opposition to argue against him.<\/p>\n<p>Seven years earlier, as he ran for president, Barack Obama was unabashedly sympathetic to Israel. In an interview with this magazine, he professed his \u201cgreat affinity for the idea of social justice that was embodied in the early Zionist movement\u201d; a secure Jewish state, he said, was \u201ca fundamentally just idea.\u201d Pfeffer noted that more Jews voted for Obama that fall than have ever cast a ballot for Netanyahu\u2019s Likud party under his leadership. In office, Obama signed the largest military-aid package America had ever extended to any nation. Yet from nearly the beginning, Netanyahu treated the president as an adversary to be outmaneuvered, lecturing him on Jewish history in the Oval Office while cameras rolled, footage that the prime minister later cut into a campaign advertisement for himself. He barely disguised his preference for Mitt Romney in 2012. Among Netanyahu\u2019s closest supporters, a hostile portrait of Obama took hold: a latter-day Chamberlain, a na\u00eff, more friendly to Muslims than Jews.<\/p>\n<p>His jibes against Obama added to the alienation of the American left, which was already drifting from Israel. After the collapse of the peace process, there was no longer a compelling vision of coexistence. Successive Israeli governments kept expanding settlements in the West Bank. And Palestinian activists on college campuses shrewdly cultivated allies on the left who had never given the conflict a moment\u2019s thought. Netanyahu had great power to stop the drift, simply by respecting the president, a liberal icon, and expressing his own desire for a just and equitable solution to the Middle East crisis, even if he privately believed that the Palestinians weren\u2019t interested in compromise. But by attacking a Democratic president so directly and courting his opposition, he began pushing his country to one side of America\u2019s partisan divide.<\/p>\n<p>Then came President Trump, whom Netanyahu came to see as \u201cthe greatest friend that Israel has ever had in the White House.\u201d In Trump, Netanyahu saw his main chance. His obsequious devotion to the president went beyond the flattery other foreign leaders forced themselves to perform. His campaign plastered billboards of the two men shaking hands. He named a settlement \u201cTrump Heights\u201d; his allies announced that a new rail station near the Western Wall, the holiest site in Judaism, would bear Trump\u2019s name. Trump rewarded this loyalty by delivering nearly the whole of Netanyahu\u2019s wish list: He moved the American embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, tore up Obama\u2019s nuclear deal with Iran, and refrained from pressuring Netanyahu to negotiate with the Palestinians.<\/p>\n<p>Once Netanyahu lashed Israel to Trump, many Americans who despised the one duly transferred their loathing to the other. But the Israeli leader figured that it didn\u2019t matter. A Democratic Party steeped in secularism and progressive ideology, he assumed, was ultimately going to loathe Israel regardless. Prominent Jewish figures, both in the Democratic Party and in national Jewish organizations, warned him that he was misreading American politics in general and the Democrats specifically, but their warnings were ignored.<\/p>\n<p>Read more <a href=\"https:\/\/commercialrelocationpros.com\/?p=1606\">People Around the World Are Talking Less<\/a><\/p>\n<p>As if to prove their point, the president who followed Trump\u2019s first term sacrificed more for Netanyahu than any of his predecessors. After the October 7 massacre, Joe Biden flew to Israel to show solidarity with a distraught nation, then armed and defended its counteroffensive at serious political cost\u2014despite his growing concern that Netanyahu\u2019s goal of eradicating Hamas was unachievable and would exact an unacceptable toll on civilians.<\/p>\n<p>In return for the president\u2019s support, Netanyahu shirked nearly every piece of strategic advice the Biden administration proffered. In June 2024 he posted a video in English, presumably targeting an American audience, in which he accused the administration of withholding U.S. weapons. He complained that Biden was preventing him from winning the war. The accusation was wildly exaggerated\u2014the administration ultimately held back a shipment of only one type of bomb\u2014and made Biden look like a chump. As Biden absorbed blows from his left on Netanyahu\u2019s behalf, Netanyahu attacked him from the right.<\/p>\n<p>The left wing of Biden\u2019s party turned on him, blaming him for the war\u2019s carnage. In the 2024 Michigan primary, where the incumbent president didn\u2019t face a real challenger, more than 100,000 Democrats voted \u201cuncommitted\u201d to protest a president they deemed responsible for Gaza\u2019s suffering. What began as a revolt against Biden turned into a revolt against the Democratic Party\u2019s historic support of Israel. Activists on the left portrayed that support as evidence of the party\u2019s feckless gerontocracy. AIPAC, the lobbying group that had spent more than half a century making support for Israel a bipartisan reflex, became the foil that many Democrats defined themselves against.<\/p>\n<p>The organization\u2019s symbolic importance ballooned as its influence weakened. Gavin Newsom, Cory Booker, Ruben Gallego, and Seth Moulton\u2014none of them stalwarts of the Democratic Socialists of America\u2014all pledged to refuse AIPAC\u2019s money. Moderate Democrats concluded that taking risks to defend Israel had no upside, and not just because of the growing animosity within the party\u2019s base. Netanyahu\u2019s treatment of Biden had shown that loyalty would never be reciprocated. Democrats running for president absorbed the new calculus and have attempted to glean attention for their nascent candidacies through high-profile confrontations with Israel. The divide had been opened by the man who assured Israelis that no one understood the Americans better.<\/p>\n<p><span>Israel waged war<\/span> against Iran and its proxies in the name of survival; they have as their plainly stated goal the elimination of the world\u2019s only Jewish-majority state. But survival has a second front: American public opinion. Netanyahu aggressively confronted the military threats\u2014but proceeded to lose on the battlefield that made his career. He had risen to power by persuading Americans on the correctness of his cause, but came to govern as though persuasion were futile, as if his father had been right all along. He never seemed to recognize that his old successes had come amid tailwinds: the Cold War, the wars on terror, decades when America was predisposed to sympathize with Israel\u2019s case. When the zeitgeist turned, Netanyahu did not adjust the argument. He concluded there were no minds to change: The hatred of the Jewish state was immutable. Under Netanyahu, Israeli public diplomacy has treated each new critic not as someone to be persuaded or corrected, but as an anti-Semite revealed.<\/p>\n<p>His indifference to global opinion is on display in his choice of cabinet ministers. In 1988, Israel banned the political party of Meir Kahane, a Brooklyn-born rabbi whose platform was the mass expulsion of Arabs; on many occasions when Kahane rose to speak in the Knesset, the chamber would empty. When Netanyahu assembled the current government in 2022, he anointed one of Kahane\u2019s disciples, Itamar Ben-Gvir, as his minister of national security. Ben-Gvir\u2019s rhetoric could have been written by Hamas propagandists. Last year, as humanitarian groups and even some Israeli commentators warned of an impending famine, he declared there was \u201cno reason for even a gram of food or any aid whatsoever to enter Gaza\u201d and endorsed the bombing of aid depots. Later that year, he championed the \u201cvoluntary emigration\u201d of Gaza\u2019s residents.<\/p>\n<p>Ben-Gvir\u2019s racist bluster has become star testimony in the case alleging Israel\u2019s genocidal intent. Yet Netanyahu has never meaningfully condemned him, let alone fired him. Ben-Gvir\u2019s party is part of the ruling coalition. He is therefore essential to keeping Netanyahu in power\u2014in protecting the prime minister from prosecution on long-simmering corruption charges.<\/p>\n<p>Still, Netanyahu could have shown the world somehow that Ben-Gvir spoke only for himself. He could have flooded Gaza with food, a policy that would have undercut Hamas\u2019s domination of the aid market and its profiteering from scarcity. Instead, he pushed out the UN\u2019s main relief agency and entrusted the feeding of 2 million people to an untested outfit called the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation\u2014an operation so ill-conceived that its own director resigned before it began, and whose distribution sites periodically became scenes of chaos and death.<\/p>\n<p>Netanyahu has never put forward a serious plan for governing Gaza, or for rebuilding it, or for removing Hamas from power\u2014not during the war, and not now. The Biden administration implored him to hand captured territory to a reformed Palestinian Authority, backed by Arab peacekeepers. Netanyahu countered that the PA was weak, corrupt, and unloved in Gaza. Every objection was true, and none of it was the reason for Netanyahu\u2019s refusal. He refused because any realistic form of Palestinian self-governance would have alienated the furthest-right parties in his coalition, which preferred resettling Gaza. So Israel kept fighting without any vision of how the conflict might end. As the destruction mounted, Netanyahu allowed the world to draw its own conclusions about his country\u2019s intentions.<\/p>\n<p>When the Trump administration finally brokered a cease-fire, Israeli troops remained in a buffer zone in Gaza. Netanyahu promised total victory, but failed to dislodge Hamas. Even then, Netanyahu was handed an opportunity without precedent in Israeli history to bolster his nation\u2019s damaged image. The Trump administration, like the Biden administration before it, was prepared to broker Saudi recognition of Israel\u2014the custodian of Mecca and Medina conferring the legitimacy the Muslim world had withheld for almost eight decades. Normalization might have emboldened other Muslim countries\u2014Indonesia, Qatar, a slew of African states\u2014to take the same leap. Having alienated the American left, Israel could have wrapped itself in the embrace of the Islamic world. But Netanyahu would not supply the one thing the Saudis required: a process toward creating a Palestinian state. Such a promise, no matter how vague, would have cost him support on his right, and possibly his coalition. So the Saudi deal went neglected, although the Trump administration now wants to revive it. The nation that styled itself as the leader of the Islamic world was apparently prepared to officially change its mind about the Jews, and Netanyahu declined.<\/p>\n<p><span>Even if his father<\/span> was right about anti-Semitism being an unshakable fact of Jewish existence, diagnosing that condition shouldn\u2019t require acceding to it. Netanyahu has governed as if there were nothing he could do to prevent his country from becoming a pariah or to combat the rising hatred directed at the diaspora. He learned nothing from the example of Ukraine\u2019s Volodmyr Zelensky, who supplied the playbook for how an invaded country cultivates international sympathy. Every gesture that might have plausibly improved Israel\u2019s case\u2014the dismissal of a minister, a plan for Gaza, a show of openness to Palestinian statehood\u2014would have threatened his governing coalition and put him in legal jeopardy. He always chose himself.<\/p>\n<p>Bigots would have found a pretext to hate Israel, no matter what. Anti-Israel extremism was flourishing in the American university before October 7, which is why a succession of suspiciously well-organized protests against Israel erupted the day after the worst pogrom since the Holocaust. But Israel will come to regret how much American political support it has sacrificed on Netanyahu\u2019s watch\u2014and not just on the left. Political independents have come to sympathize more with Palestinians than with Israelis; 60 percent of American adults have an unfavorable view of Netanyahu\u2019s country; a majority of Republicans under the age of 45 oppose renewing Obama\u2019s military-aid package; support among young evangelicals, once the pro-Israel bastion of the electorate, is cratering. Netanyahu\u2019s legacy is Israel\u2019s isolation. Perhaps that wasn\u2019t preventable. His failure is that he never tried to avoid this fate.<\/p>\n<p>Read more <a href=\"https:\/\/commercialrelocationpros.com\/?p=1604\">Would You Go Back to a Time Before Smartphones If You Could?<\/a><\/p>\n<\/section>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>The prime minister, a self-styled expert on the U.S., has shattered his country\u2019s standing.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":1609,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1610","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-ideas"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.7 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>How Netanyahu Lost America - Commercial Relocation Pros<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/commercialrelocationpros.com\/?p=1610\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"How Netanyahu Lost America - 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