{"id":1302,"date":"2026-07-14T12:13:41","date_gmt":"2026-07-14T12:13:41","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/commercialrelocationpros.com\/?p=1302"},"modified":"2026-07-14T12:13:41","modified_gmt":"2026-07-14T12:13:41","slug":"the-see-no-evil-supreme-court","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/commercialrelocationpros.com\/?p=1302","title":{"rendered":"The See-No-Evil Supreme Court"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

The Roberts Court accelerated its assault on the freedoms guaranteed by the Reconstruction amendments this term, leaving only the Fourteenth Amendment\u2019s guarantee of birthright citizenship intact\u2014and that by only one vote. Across multiple cases dealing with voting and immigration, a consistent theme has emerged from the Roberts Court\u2019s jurisprudence: a determination to ignore, rationalize, or misrepresent the explicit animus of government officials\u2014and the president in particular\u2014toward the groups that have been targeted.<\/p>\n

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This trend began in the first Trump administration, and has grown only more apparent as Donald Trump\u2019s attacks on immigrants and ethnic minorities in the United States have become more brazen. The Court\u2019s approach echoes one of the most notorious decisions in American history: the 1944 ruling in Korematsu v. United States<\/em>, which upheld the forced relocation of tens of thousands of Japanese Americans in the middle of World War II. With apologies to Fred Korematsu, a brave and honorable man who resisted internment, we could call the Roberts Court\u2019s \u201cSee no evil\u201d approach to overt bigotry the Neo-Korematsu Doctrine.<\/p>\n

Writing on behalf of the majority in Korematsu<\/em>, Justice Hugo Black\u2014a former Klansman\u2014rebuked his colleagues for suggesting that racism or bigotry was behind the internment of Japanese Americans. \u201cTo cast this case into outlines of racial prejudice, without reference to the real military dangers which were presented, merely confuses the issue,\u201d Black wrote. \u201cPressing public necessity may sometimes justify the existence of such restrictions; racial antagonism never can.\u201d<\/p>\n

Black had disavowed the Ku Klux Klan years before he wrote those words, but time has not redeemed them. In his dissent, Justice Frank Murphy accurately described the government\u2019s policy as having fallen \u201cinto the ugly abyss of racism.\u201d<\/p>\n

Korematsu<\/em> was never technically overturned, though Korematsu\u2019s conviction for violating the military order creating the camps eventually was, after new information showed the government had withheld exculpatory evidence\u2014namely that the U.S. government and its law-enforcement and intelligence agencies had no evidence that Japanese Americans were a threat. In 2018, Chief Justice John Roberts repudiated Korematsu<\/em>, describing the decision as \u201cgravely wrong the day it was decided\u201d and \u201coverruled in the court of history,\u201d adding that it \u201chas no place in law under the Constitution.\u201d<\/p>\n

Those words appear in Roberts\u2019s majority opinion in Trump v. Hawaii<\/em>, the case challenging the Trump \u201ctravel ban\u201d targeting mostly Muslim countries. Despite what Roberts wrote, he upheld Trump\u2019s ban, out of deference to the president\u2019s powers over immigration and national security. This, Justice Sonia Sotomayor noted in her dissent, actually replicated the logic of Korematsu<\/em>: the idea that the government is owed deference even when it engages in obvious racial bigotry. Neo-Korematsu Doctrine holds that if any other motive can be found\u2014say, national security\u2014then it\u2019s not racism, and, as Black suggested, it\u2019s actually a little rude to suggest otherwise.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe text says nothing about religion,\u201d Roberts wrote about Trump\u2019s order, waving away the president\u2019s expressions of anti-Muslim animus. (This was true of Franklin D. Roosevelt\u2019s executive order as well. It never named Japanese Americans, but it didn\u2019t have to: General John DeWitt had already recommended removing \u201cJapanese and other subversive persons,\u201d and began doing so as soon as the order was issued.) \u201cThe issue before us is not whether to denounce the statements,\u201d Roberts argued. \u201cIt is instead the significance of those statements in reviewing a Presidential directive, neutral on its face, addressing a matter within the core of executive responsibility.\u201d In response, Sotomayor noted that Trump himself had (positively) compared his Muslim ban to Japanese internment, saying that Roosevelt \u201cdid the same thing.\u201d<\/p>\n

One might argue that the justices have a difficult job\u2014shutting out the political noise in order to properly interpret the law and the Constitution\u2014and that job remains the same even if the president himself is erratic. But when the president is using his official powers to act on his personal hatred towards particular groups of people, that erratic nature becomes legally relevant.<\/p>\n

\u201cA president who acts on unconstitutional animus to effectuate policy through the presidency is not executing institutional power. Rather, he is laundering personal animus through the institution of the presidency,\u201d , a professor at Harvard Law. In such circumstances, \u201cRoberts has it backwards: The question is not the \u2018authority of the presidency itself,\u2019 but the potentially unconstitutional conduct of \u2018a particular president.\u2019\u201d<\/p>\n

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In Trump v. Hawaii<\/em>, Roberts at least had the integrity to refer to Trump\u2019s explicit statements about Muslims, even while arguing that the president had statutory authority to ban travelers from particular countries. In more recent cases, the right-wing justices have stopped doing that, and in fact begun arguing that such evidence would be unfair to consider\u2014except in cases involving groups they sympathize with.<\/p>\n

In Louisiana v. Callais<\/em>, the majority opinion, written by Justice Samuel Alito, asserted that the drawing of a second Black congressional district out of six, in a state where about one third of the population is Black, was an \u201cunconstitutional racial gerrymander.\u201d If Republicans wanted to pack Black voters into a single district, however, that was permissible because they had a partisan interest in doing so. In other words, Black voters can be disenfranchised because they vote for Democrats\u2014in the same way that Japanese Americans in Korematsu<\/em> could be confined not because of their race, but because they were associated with the Empire of Japan.<\/p>\n

The Supreme Court followed Callais<\/em> with a shadow docket ruling on redistricting in Alabama, where a lower court had found that the state had deliberately discriminated against Black voters, by chiding the lower court for not following its guidance. The Neo-Korematsu Doctrine of justifying racial discrimination so long as it could be excused by any nonracial explanation was reinforced yet again in Mullin v. Doe<\/em>, the case involving the Trump administration\u2019s attempt to revoke temporary protected status for Syrian and Haitian immigrants. Trump had spent much of his preceding decade in public life slandering Haitians in Ohio as pet-eating savages, referring to Haiti as a \u201cshithole country,\u201d and saying that letting Haitian immigrants into the U.S. would be a \u201cdeath wish for our country\u201d and that they \u201call have AIDS.\u201d His administration has suspended travel from \u201cthird world\u201d countries, allowing in only whites from South Africa as refugees, and repeatedly suggested that people from the \u201cthird world\u201d are unsuited for American citizenship, a slander that makes no distinction among potential immigrants and Americans of African, Asian, or Latin American descent.<\/p>\n

In his majority opinion siding with the Trump administration, Alito dismissed these statements, writing that none were \u201covertly racial, and in substance all expressed policy views that could rest on race-neutral justifications.\u201d The assertion that Trump\u2019s statements were not \u201covertly racial\u201d is absurd, but the reference to hypothetical race-neutral justifications is pure Neo-Korematsu Doctrine: If there\u2019s any other motive, even a hypothetical one, the racism doesn\u2019t count.<\/p>\n

This appears to be a Trump-era standard, invented for a president who regularly says racist things. If the justices ruled against him every time he did so, a lot of right-wing policies wouldn\u2019t be upheld. So the statements must be ignored or rationalized.<\/p>\n

The justices have not always been so averse to acknowledging the speech of government officials as evidence of discrimination. In the 2018 Masterpiece Cakeshop<\/em> case, the justices were happy to cite in their majority opinion a Colorado civil-rights commissioner who said \u201cit is one of the most despicable pieces of rhetoric that people can use to\u2014to use their religion to hurt others.\u201d The majority called this evidence of \u201ca clear and impermissible hostility toward the sincere religious beliefs\u201d of a baker who did not want to provide a cake for a same-sex wedding. Why was this case different? Perhaps the justices saw discrimination here because they sympathized with its white, Christian, conservative target. The baker\u2019s rights would be protected by this Court; Black voters\u2019 rights would not be.<\/p>\n

In Trump v. Hawaii<\/em>, Roberts wrote that \u201cthe forcible relocation of U. S. citizens to concentration camps, solely and explicitly on the basis of race, is objectively unlawful and outside the scope of Presidential authority.\u201d But the author of the Korematsu<\/em> opinion, having exchanged his white robe for a dark one, would have agreed. After all, Hugo Black wrote that \u201cpressing public necessity\u201d\u2014not \u201cracial antagonism\u201d\u2014motivated the Japanese-internment policy. Black upheld Fred Korematsu\u2019s conviction because he argued that the presence of a national-security motive meant the racism against Japanese Americans didn\u2019t count. And that is exactly the logic the Roberts Court has followed in so many cases. This reasoning\u2014Black\u2019s reasoning\u2014has been reiterated again and again by Roberts and his right-wing colleagues to sanction discrimination against the vulnerable populations targeted by the Republican Party.<\/p>\n

The Korematsu<\/em> decision may be overturned by the \u201ccourt of history.\u201d But its legacy lives on in the Roberts Court.<\/p>\n

Read more Trump\u2019s Anti-Growth Agenda<\/a><\/p>\n<\/section>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The majority refuses to see evidence of racism.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":1301,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1302","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-ideas"],"yoast_head":"\nThe See-No-Evil Supreme Court - Commercial Relocation Pros<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/commercialrelocationpros.com\/?p=1302\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"The See-No-Evil Supreme Court - Commercial Relocation Pros\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"The majority refuses to see evidence of racism.\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/commercialrelocationpros.com\/?p=1302\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Commercial Relocation Pros\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2026-07-14T12:13:41+00:00\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"admin\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"admin\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"8 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/commercialrelocationpros.com\\\/?p=1302#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/commercialrelocationpros.com\\\/?p=1302\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"admin\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/commercialrelocationpros.com\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/3a3374a445f1b5d4852b1d7c15b9fe3a\"},\"headline\":\"The See-No-Evil Supreme Court\",\"datePublished\":\"2026-07-14T12:13:41+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/commercialrelocationpros.com\\\/?p=1302\"},\"wordCount\":1518,\"commentCount\":0,\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/commercialrelocationpros.com\\\/?p=1302#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/commercialrelocationpros.com\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2026\\\/07\\\/b4709f5ea49b7a618af3021c0df284ff.avif\",\"articleSection\":[\"Ideas\"],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"CommentAction\",\"name\":\"Comment\",\"target\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/commercialrelocationpros.com\\\/?p=1302#respond\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/commercialrelocationpros.com\\\/?p=1302\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/commercialrelocationpros.com\\\/?p=1302\",\"name\":\"The See-No-Evil Supreme Court - 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